Kamal писал(а):voyager1970 писал(а):Камаль,не понятно откуда такой скептицизм?
Это опыт и и прямое следствие того, что "знание некоторых общих закономерностей избавляет от необходимости досконально знать частности".
Сразу подчеркну, что я не испытываю особых симпатий ни к какому из кандидатов. Тем не менее, просто из любви к искусству...
То, что на словах Обама достаточно осторожен, ни о чем не говорит - не им единым жив американский эстеблишмент. Ну а то, чем занимаются западные СМИ называется прямым провоцированием мятежа и его информационной поддержкой. Посмотрите SkyNews, CNN и других, тот же youtube - все, как один, встали на одну сторону, Мусави. Причем, если я раньше допускал, что Запад просто интересует заварушка в Персии, то теперь уверен, что есть прямая заинтересованность именно в Мусави, либо в тех, кто за ним стоит.
я не вижу никакои параллели с Кишиневом{я,кстати только что оттуда}.Там горстка местных сатрапов с трудом балансируют у власти,опасаясь ее потерять от обьединения с Румынией,в то время,когда народ на 50$ в месяц живет.38% ВНП-переводы молдован из за границы-рекорд книги Гиннеса,между прочим.
я смотрю Индийское тв ,Корейское,Японское,ДУбай,Египет ,Абу Даби и Бангладеш-кругом показывают то,что Си ЕН ЕН и Би Би Си от зрителей неделю скрывали.на счет истаблишмента-понаблюдайте за тоном Вашингтон Пост и Нью Йорк Таймс-с приходом Обамы сразу засимпатизировали России. дело не в этом вообще:по сути проблемы-выборы прошли,результат показался неправдоподобен,прежде всего ,самим мыслящим иранцам.утверждать,что протесты организованы с Запада,тоже самое ,что уверовать,что рабочие Новочеркасска вышли на улицу,наслушавшись Голоса Америки.иранская полиция несколько дней бездействовала,повидимому не зная в какую сторону ветер подует,а теперь на улицах Басиджи и Стражи Революции стреляют по людям.у Ахмадинежада есть могущественные враги в лице богатых мулл и аятолл,не говоря уже о интеллигенции и бизнес элите.вот они и есть двигатели протеста за кулисами,а не западные спецслужбы.тем более,что собственно политическая платформа Мусави мало кому известна.факт,что если информация зажимается,а мирные протесты подавляются,то есть что скрывать.а Мусави сейчас рискует,если не жизнью,то своей свободой и здоровьем.ни о какой помощи с запада он и мечтать не может,так как ему сейчас реально угрожает арест.его,кстати,уже неделю на публике никто не видел
Добавлено спустя 22 минуты 5 секунд:Камаль,если вы полагаясь на мейнстрим,считаете,что Иран и США-антагонисты,а не союзники,то обратите внимание на некорые ''частности'' из недавней истории взаимоотношений этих государств.
U.S. Bombed Bases of Iranian Rebels in Iraq
Douglas Jehl
International Herald Tribune | New York Times
Thursday 17 April 2003
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WASHINGTON - Without public announcement, American forces have bombed the principal bases of the main armed Iranian opposition group in Iraq, which has maintained several thousand fighters with tanks and artillery along Iraq's border with Iran for more than a decade.
The group, Mujahidin Khalq, has been labeled a terrorist organization by the United States since 1997. But the biggest beneficiary of the strikes will be the Iranian government, which has lost scores of soldiers in recent years to cross-border attacks by the guerrillas, who have sought to overthrow Iran's clerical regime.
At the same time, the attacks appear bound to anger the scores of more than 150 members of the U.S. Congress who have described the Iranian opposition group as an organized and effective pressure point on Iran's government, and had urged the Bush administration to strike the organization from its terrorist list.
In the months leading up to the war, "We made it very clear that these folks are pro-democracy, anti-fundamentalism, anti-terrorism, helpful to the U.S. in providing information about the activities of the Iranian regime, and advocates of a secular government in Iran," said Yleem Poblete, staff director for the House International Relations Committee's subcommittee on the Middle East and Asia.
"They are our friends, not our enemies. And right now, they are the most organized alternative to the Iranian regime, and the fact that they are the main target of the Iranian regime says a lot about their effectiveness."
Defense Department officials who described the air attacks said they have been followed in recent days by efforts on the ground by American forces on the ground to pursue and detain members of the group.
It was unclear whether the attacks, described by Defense Department officials, were intended in part as a gesture by the United States to thank Iran for its noninterference in the war in Iraq.
The United States does not maintain diplomatic relations with Iran, which is listed on the Bush administration's "axis of evil," but American officials are believed to have met secretly with Iranian officials in the months before the war to urge Iran's government to maintain its neutrality.
A top military officer who spoke on condition of anonymity said the United States had "bombed the heck" out of at least two of the group's bases, including one about 130 kilometers (80 miles) northeast of Baghdad. The officer said the fact that the group had been listed as a terrorist organization by the United States gave the military little alternative but to launch the strikes.
In a telephone interview from Paris, Mohammad Mohaddessin, a top official of a coalition of Iranian opposition groups that includes Mujahidin Khalq, condemned the bombing as bombing "an astonishing and regrettable act. It is a clear kowtowing to the demands of the Iranian regime," said Mohaddessin, chairman of the foreign affairs committee of the coalition, the National Council of Resistance of Iran.
Mohaddessin said the group had abandoned its bases in southern Iraq before the American attack began, and had been assured by "proper U.S. authorities" that its other camps, located northeast and east of Baghdad, would not be targets of American bombing.
An expert on Iran, Patrick Clawson, said Wednesday that the American attacks almost certainly represented an end to the group as a fighting force, after the years in which it operated freely from Iraq with support from Saddam Hussein. Clawson, research director at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, said the attack might also weaken the group's political arm, the National Council on Resistance in Iran.
"The reason the regime has been so worried about the MEK has been the impression that it could be attractive to those who are rejecting the regime," Clawson said, using the group's initials. "It's now less likely that the MEK will maintain this image in the eyes of young Iranians as being the most radical opponents."
Mujahidin Khalq was formed in the 1960s and expelled from Iran after the Islamic Revolution in 1979. Its primary financial support in recent years came from Saddam's government, but it has support from lawmakers in Europe as well as the United States.
In its most recent annual listing of terrorist groups, the State Department said of the group that "its history is studded with anti-Western attacks as well as terrorist attacks on the interests of the clerical regime in Iran and abroad."
During the 1970s, the report noted, Mujahidin Khalq killed several American military personnel and American civilians working on defense projects in Tehran, the Iranian capital.
The decision by the Clinton administration to add the group to its list of terrorist organizations was widely interpreted as a goodwill gesture to the Iranian government, and its president, Mohammed Khatami, a more moderate force than Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
Group calls for protests
An exiled Iranian opposition group said Wednesday that it would hold marches in Washington and across Europe on Saturday to protest against attacks on its bases in Iraq that it said killed 28 of its members, Reuters reported from Stockholm.
The Paris-based National Council of Resistance of Iran, political wing of the Mujahidin Khalq, plans marches at noon local time in London, Washington, Paris, Cologne, Brussels, Stockholm, Copenhagen and Oslo.
Leaders of the group said 28 people had been killed, 43 wounded and others captured in the attacks, reported to have occurred last Thursday and Friday.
The group began as leftist-Islamist opposition to the late Shah of Iran but fell out with Shiite clerics who took power after the 1979 Islamic revolution.
It uses Iraq as a springboard for attacks in Iran and was accused by Washington, which brands it a "terrorist" group, of supporting Saddam Hussein before his fall. The group is said by Western analysts to have little support in Iran because of its collaboration with Iraq during the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq War.
(C) International Herald Tribune - Posted for Fair Use Only
[Footnotes and Further Reading follows the appeal]
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Добавлено спустя 3 минуты 23 секунды:[Excerpt from LA Times starts here]
Iran Future As A Pawn Or A Gulf Power
Byline: Zalmay Khalilzad
Los Angeles Times July 16, 1989, Sunday, Home Edition Section: Opinion; Part 5; Page 2; Column 4; Opinion Desk
The Iraqis devastated the Iranians toward the end of the war, capturing as much as half of the Iranian tanks, armor and artillery. Iraqi successes forced Iran to accept a cease-fire that Khomeini compared to drinking a "poisoned chalice." Iraq is now militarily dominant, with 45 battle-tested divisions against Iran's 12, with even larger ratios of strength in tanks and aircraft. Tehran is looking for ways to overcome strategic inferiority and gain a degree of protection against Iraq.
[Excerpt from LA Times ends here]
This is the missing piece that explains the puzzle of the first Gulf War, namely: why did the US let Iraq get into Kuwait - or, some would say, lure Iraq into Kuwait - and then respond with such relentless force to this relatively minor invasion?
Sure, Iraq was a significant regional military force, but assuming it wanted to attack its neighbors, where could it go? Here's a nice map of Iraq and surrounding countries
http://www.infoplease.com/atlas/middleeast.html If Iraq attacked Saudi Arabia, to the south, it could be sure of a massive US response. If it attacked Jordan, to the west, it would have to fight not only Jordan but possibly other Arab states and Israel and probably the US as well.
But to the east was Iran. According to Khalilzad, Iran was dangerously weak after nearly a decade of war against Iraq. And militarily, Iraq was relatively strong.
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Iranian fundamentalism: pivotal force among Muslims
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The 1979 takeover of Iran by Islamic fanatics represented the greatest political advance for Muslim fundamentalism in many years. It altered the balance of power in the Middle East and Central Asia.
The US and Saudi Arabia used the Islamist victory in Iran to energize their Muslim fundamentalist attack force in Afghanistan. And, during the ten-year holy war in Afghanistan, US intelligence became skilled in handling Islamist terrorists. They created an apparatus including intelligence services in Pakistan and Saudi Arabia and mujahideen, both from Afghanistan and from other countries, whom they recruited to fight in Afghanistan. At the same time, the Western media was trained to describe Islamist terrorists as freedom fighters and to demonize their opponents as human rights abusers. [1]
By the end of the 1980s, the US and European establishments were positioned to make the best use of Iran.
The long, drawn-out war with Iraq had greatly weakened Iran. This made the Iranian leadership easier to deal with since 'a weak servant is a loyal servant.'
At the same time, during the war the US deepened its covert ties with the Iranian leaders by secretly sending them arms and spare parts. This is a much-overlooked side of the Iran-Contra scandal, often described only from the viewpoint of the illegal arming of the gangster-terrorist Contras in Nicaragua by the Reagan administration.
Without US arms, Iran would have been hard-pressed to fight Iraq. Why? Because, as Seymour Hersh pointed out in the New York Times, Iran's entire arsenal was US-derived:
"…Iran at that time was in dire need of arms and spare parts for its American-made arsenal to defend itself against Iraq, which had attacked it in September 1980."
-- The New York Times, December 8, 1991, The Iran Pipeline: A Hidden Chapter/A special report.; U.S. Said to Have Allowed Israel to Sell Arms to Iran, By Seymour Hersh.
Apart from the question of who attacked whom, Hersh's point is right on target.
So: by the end of the 1980s, the Iranian clerics were a) weakened and b) had worked closely for a decade with US intelligence. They could be incorporated into large-scale U.S. covert operations. This is exactly what happened in Bosnia - in Europe! - in the early 1990s. [3]
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The Gulf War: protecting a US asset
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I cannot say with certainty that if the US had not smashed the Iraqi military in 1991, Iraq would have renewed the war with Iran.
Nor can I know what discussions went on, in secret, between US intelligence - including perhaps Dr. Khalilzad - and the Iranians.
But it is clear from Khalilzad's article that US strategists were worried because Iran suffered from "strategic inferiority" and needed "a degree of protection."
If Iraq had conquered Iran, it would have been a world-class setback for Islamic fundamentalism.
The US and European foreign policy establishments did not want this to happen because Islamism was (and still is) an important weapon in their struggle for total world domination. [4]
For starters, the defeat of "revolutionary" Iran would have hurt the US and Saudi-backed fundamentalists in Afghanistan and the Bosnian Islamist, Alija Izetbegovic, who was sponsored by the US and the Islamist states. [5]
Driven from state power, humiliated by Iraq, the ayatollahs would have been a joke.
I believe the first Gulf War must be viewed in this context.
The US-led military coalition was responding, it claimed, to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, which was, by modern standards, a small-scale invasion, perhaps comparable to the unprovoked US attack on Panama in 1989.
The punishment was grotesquely out of proportion to the crime.
Iraq's military and industry were crippled. It was hobbled with sanctions. The strategic relationship in the Persian Gulf changed in a matter of days. Iran gained years of breathing space to recover from the losses and grave political strains created by eight years of relentless war, which decimated a generation of Iranian men.
It is a stark testimony to the 'reliability' of the Western media that virtually nobody noted how much Iran gained from the Gulf War.
"Strengthen Iran and contain Iraq," Khalilzad had urged the first Bush administration, and so Bush did - with a vengeance. [4]
And what happened next? Khalilzad became the top policy planner at the Pentagon, and the Pentagon moved against Bosnia, coordinating a campaign of Islamist terror which involved Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and - wouldn't you know it? - Iran. [6]
And now, the US has taken Iraq into receivership, a move that can only further strengthen Iran's fundamentalist rulers, giving them at last and at least a safe rear to expand their organizational strength among Muslims in the former Soviet Union, Asia, the Middle East and Europe as well.
And who is the US political envoy in Iraq? Who is the National Security Council Director for the Persian Gulf including Iran and Iraq, and also Southwest Asia "and other regional issues"?
Why, it is none other than Zalmay Khalilzad, the veteran U.S. expert on using Islamic terror against secular regimes.