Чрезвычайные происшествия. Беспорядки в Мьянме в 2007 году

[Phnom-Bokor]

Последнее время не вижу плохих новостей из Бирмы.
Можно туда ехать?

[Xavier]

Вообще, монахи в Мьянме оставили самое удручающее впечатление - сытые, отъевшиеся лица, ездят на такси, в высших классах на поездах, курят самые дорогие сигареты, питаются в дорогих ресторанах, такой контраст по сравнению с остальным нищенствующим населением...

[voyager1970]

[qуоте="Хавиер"]Вообще, монахи в Мьянме оставили самое удручающее впечатление - сытые, отъевшиеся лица, ездят на такси, в высших классах на поездах, курят самые дорогие сигареты, питаются в дорогих ресторанах, такой контраст по сравнению с остальным нищенствующим населением...[/qуоте]


подобное в Мьянмар не замечал,зато во Вьентиане такие попадались.

[voyager1970]

Burma’s generals fear the influence of the Sangha

The Lord Buddha shunned worldly affairs, but in his teachings he stressed the need for good governance and good rulers in the practice of politics.

Rangoon, September 24; Buddhist monks lead a demonstration march by an estimated 100,000 people through Burma's former capital [Photo: AP]


The Buddha said: “When the ruler of a country is just and good, the ministers become just and good; when the ministers are just and good, the higher officials become just and good; when the higher officials are just and good, the rank and file become just and good; when the rank and file become just and good, the people become just and good.”

If these admonitions are followed by the large community of monks—the Sangha—in predominantly Buddhist Burma, the lingering “love lost” relationship between the country’s military rulers and its monks should be no surprise.

Over the last two decades, Burma’s Sangha community, officially estimated to number around 400,000, has had an uneasy relationship with the ruling generals, who have imprisoned several prominent, politically active monks or pongyis. It is estimated that since the present military regime came to power in 1988, about 300 monks have been defrocked and sentenced to long terms of imprisonment.

Monks, considered “sons of Buddha,” are the biggest institution in Burma after the armed forces, which number more than 400,000 soldiers and police.

In their close contacts with the common people and during their morning alms rounds of local households, the monks witness firsthand the suffering and poverty of ordinary Burmese citizens. They have a very clear picture of the deteriorating situation in Burma.

Hundreds of monks and nuns pray during a demonstration at Shwedagon Pagoda, Rangoon, on September 23 [Photo: The Irrawaddy]


More importantly, they probably have a better network, connections and influence than politically active students, who are constantly watched, imprisoned or forced into exile.

Who could imagine that these monks, living quietly in monasteries and studying Dhamma, would ever plan to rebel against the repressive regime? Yet history has shown that monks have long played a pivotal role in politics and that they would indeed dare such a bold and dangerous undertaking.

The role of political pongyis is controversial and potentially threatening to the ruling elite, although there has been a continuing debate on whether monks really should involve themselves in politics.

The Early Rebellion

Monks were involved in early outbreaks of resistance against British colonization, joining lay people in taking up arms against the British after seeing King Thibaw sent into exile.

Monks have their resistance martyrs—U Ottama, for instance, who led 3,000 rebels in the Salin area a year after the invasion of Mandalay. The rebel monk, also known as Bo Ottama, was captured and hanged by the British in 1889.

Interestingly, historians noted that monks who took up arms voluntarily defrocked themselves first, following the precept forbidding monks to take lives.

Another martyr, Saya San, who was an ex-monk, led a peasant uprising in Tharrawaddy opposing the tax system imposed by the British. Burma’s colonial masters sent 10,000 troops to quell the rebellion, capturing Saya San and sending him, too, to the gallows.

Buddhist monks make their daily alms rounds in Rangoon, as a family in a pedicab passes by [Photo: AP]


One of the top Burmese lawyers who defended Saya San at his trial was Dr Ba Maw, who later became head of state in Burma’s Japanese-backed government.

Not all monks advocated armed struggle. Two who preached nonviolent resistance, U Wisara and another monk named U Ottama, spent many years in prison for their opposition to colonialism and their names have joined the list of independence heroes.

U Ottama, a globe-trotting, well-respected monk from Arakan State, was a powerful speaker whose calls for independence were featured in the national newspaper Thuriya. He once famously told the British Governor Sir Reginald Craddock to go home to Britain, in a speech that landed him in prison.

Like U Ottama, U Wisara was imprisoned several times for his public speeches and died in jail in 1929 after 166 days of a hunger strike. His prison sentences included terms of hard labor, and he was also defrocked.

Both monks became an inspiration to activists and students involved in the independence movement.

Scholar Michael Mendelson wrote in his “Sangha and State in Burma,” that all politically active monks tended to be labeled by the colonial authorities as “political agitators in the yellow robes.” Interestingly, a similar term is used by Burma’s current leaders to describe protesting monks.

U Ottama (left), U Wisara [Illustrations: Harn Lay/The Irrawaddy]


Historians wrote that the British authorities were surprised to learn the influential role of the Sangha community, and soon after the invasion of 1885 they abolished the position of “Supreme Patriarch,” or Thathana-baing.

In former times, Burmese kings appointed Thathana-baing to govern the Sangha community and made them responsible for doctrinal instruction and discipline of all monks. But the position wasn’t accepted by the entire Sangha. The progressive Shwegin sect was one group that rejected it. Sectarianism created controversy and bitter rivalry among monks.

During the Kon-Baung period in the 18th century, conflicts arose within the Sangha over how the monastic robes were supposed to be worn, and two conflicting sects arose—the so-called Ton Gaing and Yon Gaing.

The Burmese scholar Tin Maung Maung Than records that the Toun-goo and early Kon-Baung dynasties were drawn into the rivalry by their royal patronage of one party or the other. In 1782, King Bodawphaya intervened in the controversy by siding with Ton Gaing.

One experienced colonial political officer, Col Edward Sladen, conversant with the power of the Sangha, advised British authorities to maintain the Thathana-baing system in order to head off conflicts in governing the predominately Buddhist country.

The role of Thathana-baing was undoubtedly a complicated one, involving a direct link between the monarchy and the Sangha. The Thathana-baing wielded influence and could even intervene in state affairs. One respected abbot even persuaded King Mindon to abandon corvée labor for his irrigation projects. It’s ironic that the current regime argues that forced labor is a feature of Burmese tradition and a means of making merit.


After independence, however, the influence of Buddhism and the Sangha went into decline, except for a period under the late prime minister U Nu, a devout Buddhist.

U Nu himself was ordained as a monk several times and rarely exploited Buddhism for his own political ends. Under his government, the Sixth Great Buddhist World Council was held in 1954, and he also created the Buddha Sasana Council.

Tin Maung Maung Than noted in his book, “Sangha Reforms and Renewal of Sasana in Myanmar: Historical trends and Contemporary Practice”: “Because of various Gaing and sectarianism U Nu failed to take effective reforms in spite of institutionalization of Buddhism within the state superstructure and notwithstanding the holding of the Sixth Buddhist Synod in 1954.”

U Nu also attempted to legalize Buddhism as the state religion in 1961. The attempt was considered to be a misguided policy, and it anyway failed to materialize as U Nu was ousted by Gen Ne Win one year later.

Ne Win regarded monks as a potential opposition and he developed a different strategy to control them. In the mid-1960s, his regime called a Sangha conference to issue monks with identification cards. Young monks and abbots stayed away from the gathering.

It wasn’t until 1980 that Ne Win succeeded in containing the monks by establishing a “State Sangha Nayaka Committee,” after a carefully orchestrated campaign to discredit the Sangha. Part of the campaign was to discredit a famous monk, Thein Phyu Sayadaw, who was accused of romantic involvement with a woman. He was defrocked.

Before the campaign, intelligence officers and informants of the government infiltrated the temples as monks and gathered information about monks and abbots.

Some well-known abbots, including Mahasi Sayadaw, an internationally respected monk who was invited by U Nu in 1947 to teach Vipassana meditation, were also targeted in the campaign.

Anthropologist Gustaaf Houtmann wrote in his paper “Mental Culture in Burmese Crisis Politics” that the regime had “distributed leaflets accusing Mahasi of talking with the nat spirits, and it was claimed that the Tipitaka Mingun Sayadaw, Burma’s top Buddhist scholar, had been involved in some unsavory incident two years after entering the monkhood.” Both monks were victims of their refusal to cooperate with the regime.

Aung San Suu Kyi visits the late Thamanya Sayadaw in Karen State in 1995


A number of scholars and historians noted, however, that some abbots accused and charged by the government were indeed involved in scandals and had romantic relationship with women or nuns.

The regime’s campaign sometimes took bizarre forms. Rumors were circulated, for instance, suggesting that one Rangoon monk, U Laba, was a cannibal. Several famous abbots were implicated in scandals and were either defrocked or fled to neighboring Thailand. Ne Win successfully launched a “Sangha reform”—also known as “Cleaning Up the Sangha.”

The government managed to get some recognition from elderly Buddhists by forming the Sangha Committee. But Ne Win did not pretend to be a devout Buddhist. He rarely participated in Sangha meetings and held few religious ceremonies during the 26 years of his rule. Unlike current leaders, he was rarely seen with monks.

During the 1988 uprising, however, his government asked the Sangha Committee to help restore order, and senior monks appeared in live television broadcasts appealing to the public for calm.

In August, 1988, days after the massacre in Rangoon, monks expressed sorrow for the loss of life, but—to the surprise of many—they also appealed to the regime to govern in accordance with the 10 duties prescribed for rulers of the people. The appeal failed to calm the public mood, but the message did remind many Burmese of the “10 duties of rulers”—the monks were telling Ne Win to be a good ruler.

On August 30, the Working People’s Daily reported: “1,500 members of the Sangha marched in procession through the Rangoon streets and gathered in front of the Rangoon General Hospital emergency ward, where they recited “Metta Sutta” in memory of rahans (monks), workers and students who fell in the struggle for democracy.” Many young monks were among the demonstrators.

For many Burmese, the struggle for democracy is not yet over and the discord between the Sangha and the ruling generals remains strong.

Unlike Ne Win and U Nu, the generals who came to power in 1988 openly and audaciously schemed to buy off the Sangha community. They have also claimed to be protectors of the Sangha, although their motive is to gain political legitimacy.

Aside from holding numerous merit-making ceremonies, offering hsoon and valuable gifts to monks, the military leaders are launching well-publicized pagoda restoration projects throughout Burma. Nevertheless, confrontations between rebellious monks and the authorities continue.

In Mandalay in 1990, troops fired on the crowds, killing several people, including monks. Angered by the military’s brutality, Mandalay monks began a patta ni kozana kan, refusing to accept alms from members of the armed forces and their families.

The same action has now been taken by monks in several provinces after authorities beat protesting monks in Pakokka, central Burma.

“Patta ni kozana kan” can be called in response to any one of eight offences, including vilifying or making insidious comparisons between monks, inciting dissension among monks or defaming Buddha, the Dhamma or the Sangha.

A “patta ni kozana kan” campaign can be called off if the offended monks receive what they accept as a proper apology from the individuals or authorities involved. This procedure involves a ceremony held by at least four monks inside the Buddhist ordination hall, at which the boycott would be canceled.

Some monks in Burma may believe that the “patta ni kozana kan” of 1990 is still in effect, since they haven’t yet received any proper apology—only a harsh crackdown. At that time, monks refused to attend religious ceremonies held by military officials and family members.

In one incident, the Mandalay Division commander at the time, Maj-Gen Tun Kyi, who later became trade minister, invited senior monks and abbots to attend a religious ceremony but no one showed up. Military leaders realized the seriousness of the boycott and decided to launch a crackdown.

In Mandalay alone, more than 130 monasteries were raided and monks were defrocked and imprisoned. As many as 300 monks nationwide were defrocked and arrested.

Former political prisoners recalled that monks who shared prison quarters with them continued to practice their faith despite being forced to wear prison uniforms and being officially stripped of their membership of the Sangha.

Several monks, including the highly respected Thu Mingala, a Buddhist literature laureate, and at least eight other respected senior abbots, were arrested. Thu Mingala was sentenced to eight years imprisonment.

Apart from being stripped of their robes, imprisoned monks in Mandalay were forced to wear white prison uniforms and were taunted with nicknames instead of being addressed with their true titles, according to former political prisoners.

One year later, in 1991, the then head of the military junta, Snr-Gen Saw Maung, suffered a nervous breakdown and retired for health reasons. Buddhist Burmese still say this was punishment for his maltreatment of the monks.

The 1990 crackdown divided the Sangha community. The late Mingun Sayadaw, who was secretary of the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee, was ridiculed by young monks for not supporting the boycott campaign. He was at one time called “senior general Mingun Sayadaw,” and when he visited one temple in Mandalay young monks reportedly saluted him.

Today, while rebellious monks are prepared to go to prison, many senior monks and abbots are allowing themselves to become government tools by accepting gifts and large donations from the generals. By cuddling up to the ruling generals, these elderly abbots can no longer speak for the Sangha community at large, let alone comment on the suffering of the Burmese people. The divisions between abbots and young monks have inevitably widened.

The generals, on the other hand, won’t give up easily. In one spectacular bid to win the hearts and minds of the people, they borrowed a Buddha tooth relic from China and toured the country with it and also held a World Buddhist Summit.

In 1999, military leaders renovated Shwedagon Pagoda, after the Htidaw, the sacred umbrella, had been removed amid reports of minor local earthquakes. Local people said the spirits of Shwedagon had been upset with the removal of the Htidaw. Restoration of the pagoda complex did nothing to help the generals’ image, though.

The generals have also applied “divide and rule” strategies in dealing with the Sangha community and the opposition.

In 1996, the regime accused the National League for Democracy of infiltrating the Sangha with the aim of committing subversive acts against the authorities. The generals obviously did not want to see opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi developing too close a relationship with the monks.

In an attempt to neutralize the political role of Suu Kyi, the government sent a famous, London-based monk, Dr Rewatta Dhamma, to visit the detained opposition leader in 1995. Claiming to be a peace-broker between Suu Kyi and the generals, the monk shuttled between her and top leaders. But his mission failed and he returned to London. Skeptics believe the generals had merely used U Rewatta in a bid to persuade Suu Kyi to relinquish politics.

Ironically, the regime leaders publicly accused Suu Kyi of being a communist and of sacrilege because she had said in a campaign speech that “any human being can become a Buddha in this life.”

Soon after her release from her first term of house arrest in 1995, Suu Kyi immediately traveled to Karen State, followed by infuriated intelligence officers. She went there to make an offering to “Thamanya Sayadaw.”

Traditionally, temples have provided hiding places for activists, and in 1988 monks offered shelter to fugitives from the intelligence authorities.

At one time, the regime even placed restrictions on opposition members, preventing them from ordaining as monks. Like universities and schools, politically active monasteries are under heavy surveillance.

The widely respected abbot Bhaddanta Vinaya, known as Thamanya Sayadaw because he lived on Thamanya Hill, was involved in projects to help villagers in the area, work that was shunned by the generals.

He was revered not only for the mystical powers he was said to possess, but also because of his refusal to kowtow to the regime leaders. He once famously refused to accept the gift of a luxury vehicle from the then powerful intelligence chief Gen Khin Nyunt.

Khin Nyunt could not buy Thamanya.

It may indeed be wrong to assume that Burma’s regime leaders are devout Buddhists. The generals and their families seem to place more trust in astrology and numerology than in Buddhist ritual. They treasure white elephants and lucky charms and are constantly seeking advice from astrologers.

Birds of a feather, such as the generals and their chief astrologers, not only flock together but fall together, too. Ne Win’s family astrologer, Aung Pwint Khaung, was arrested in 2002 when the former dictator and his family were charged with high treason.

Khin Nyunt’s chief astrologer, Bodaw Than Hla, was imprisoned after the former Prime Minister and Military Intelligence chief was toppled in 2004.

Many Burmese may find it hard to believe that their military leaders are actually preserving Buddhism. Even when they are building pagodas and erecting Buddha images, the projects are based on astrological predictions and readings.

Who, for instance, advised Ne Win to ride a wooden horse on his aircraft and to ask the pilot to circle his birthplace nine times? Who advised him to issue banknotes in denominations of 45 and 90 kyat?

Who advised Khin Nyunt to dress up in women’s clothing, complete with the signature flower that Suu Kyi wears, in order to steal power from “the Lady”? Who told Than Shwe to move his capital to central Burma?

It certainly wasn’t a belief in Buddhist tenets. Nor does Buddhism permit the military to beat, defrock, imprison and kill monks.

The decline of Buddhism and the rise of militarism in Burma are a source of concern for the people of Burma. Thus, it is no surprise to hear social critics and political pongyis maintain that the generals who kneel down before images of Buddha are the real threat to Buddhism and Dhamma

[BUT]

Прилетаем туда утром 12 октября. Пуон Пуон сообщила, что все спокойно. Однако похоже, что многие буржуины отменили свои туры, по крайней мере AirAsia отменила часть своих рейсов.

[Alexey Fedotenkov]

Переход Mae Sai-Thachilek - открыт.
Шастают, прямо таки, первомайские толпы трудящихся. И туда и обратно.

[voyager1970]

вот и Нигерийская братва в теме уже :лол:

Dubai UAE
Email: Kyaing@orangemail.es

Re: Re-profiling of funds


I am sure that this information might astonish you since we have not hard any
previous contact .
I am the wife of the Military leader of Myanmar who is currently outside
Myanmar, My family is in desperate need of a capable investor that can
secretly Invest a total sum of sixty five million united states dollars
currently deposit with a finance house in Europe by my Husband(Gen Than Shwe)
There is an urgent need for my family to invest this money due to the current
Political crisis in Myanmar so as to give my family a future any time when my
husband leaves office any time from now.
You will be adequately Compensated with 20% of the total if you will assist us
in investing the funds and at the same time keep everything confidential.
If you are interested in taking part in the offer, Please send your letter of
Intent to my Private email address as follows: Kyaing@orangemail.es



Awaiting your response.
Yours truly

Mrs. Daw Kyaing Shwe

[Put-nik]

вот и Нигерийская братва в теме уже :лол:

Dubai UAE
Email: Kyaing@orangemail.es

Re: Re-profiling of funds


I am sure that this information might astonish you since we have not hard any
previous contact .
I am the wife of the Military leader of Myanmar who is currently outside
Myanmar, My family is in desperate need of a capable investor that can
secretly Invest a total sum of sixty five million united states dollars
currently deposit with a finance house in Europe by my Husband(Gen Than Shwe)
There is an urgent need for my family to invest this money due to the current
Political crisis in Myanmar so as to give my family a future any time when my
husband leaves office any time from now.
You will be adequately Compensated with 20% of the total if you will assist us
in investing the funds and at the same time keep everything confidential.
If you are interested in taking part in the offer, Please send your letter of
Intent to my Private email address as follows: Kyaing@orangemail.es



Awaiting your response.
Yours truly

Mrs. Daw Kyaing Shwe

А Вы её пятиюродный брат? Вам тоже нужны инвестиции? Или достанется из семейных закромов?
Или это письмо надо разослать по 500-м адресам и ждать щастья?

[voyager1970]

я думаю,это письмо разослали по миллиону адресов.с какого -то ,да и капнет денежка...

[Put-nik]

я думаю,это письмо разослали по миллиону адресов.с какого -то ,да и капнет денежка...

Зачем же Вы его здесь разместили?

[Put-nik]

Последнее время не вижу плохих новостей из Бирмы.

Сегодня по CNN показывали беспорядки а Янгоне.

[voyager1970]

[qуоте="Пут-ник"][qуоте="воягер1970"]я думаю,это письмо разослали по миллиону адресов.с какого -то ,да и капнет денежка...[/qуоте]
Зачем же Вы его здесь разместили?[/qуоте]


комментарий выше письма читали?

[voyager1970]

по СНН сегодня передавали про избиения заключенных в тюрмах страны.
а здесь интересная статья почему этнические повстанческие армии не поддержали протестующих монахов и студентов.



Lack of Unity Kept Ethnic Groups Out of the Showdown
By Shah Paung
October 11, 2007




Burma has many ethnic armed groups, some of which have already reached ceasefire agreement with the military government—but all of them sharing the same aim of fighting against military rule.

Karen soldiers paraded in a celebration at their Thai-Burmese border-based camp [Photo: Reuters]

Ethnic armed groups failed to participate in the recent countrywide protests, however, leading many observers to ask why. Did they lack military might? Or was a lack of unity the reason?

According to ethnic leaders, they did not want to get involved for fear their involvement would harm monks and peaceful demonstrators. They also did not want to block the way of Burmese soldiers fleeing to liberation areas during the crisis.

Mahn Sha, general secretary of the Karen National Union, said forces of its military wing, the Karen National Liberation Army, had supported the demonstrators by launching at least five attacks daily on regime forces.

“It was anyway not a good time for us to move our forces into cities as the military government would take the opportunity of saying ethnic armed groups were killing people,” he said.

The fighting between the KNLA and Burmese troops didn’t help much in pressuring the military government into decreasing its crackdown on peaceful demonstrators.

Sai Lao Hseng, Shan State Army spokesman, said it would not have been easy to use ethnic forces to support the peaceful demonstration in the cities.

“We were worried and did not want the demonstrators to be hurt by employing military means,” he said.

Many ethnic residents of the cities were involved in the demonstrations, said Khun Manko Ban, leader of the Democratic Organization for Kayan National Unity and an elected representative in the 1990 election.

Some ethnic leaders, including Cin Sian Thang, a member of the Committee Representing People’s Parliament and chairman of the Zomi National Congress, and Thawng Kho Thang, also a member of the CRPP and the United Nationalities League for Democracy, were arrested during the crackdown on peaceful demonstrations on September 28.

Nai ong Ma-Nge, a New Mon State Party spokesman, said it was very difficult for the ethnic ceasefire groups to co-operate while under government control. It could not be said that they did not support the demonstrations, since their political standpoints were not clear.

Some ceasefire groups didn’t dare speak out because of business deals with the military government, he said.

According to dissident groups, about 200 protesters were killed and around 6,000 were arrested during the demonstrations. The state-run media reported that only 10 protesters died and over 2,000 people were arrested.

In the 1988 uprising, the Burmese military some 3,000 demonstrators across the country died and thousands more were imprisoned.

During that time, in the Karen State and Mon State liberation areas there was also fighting between the KNLA and the NMSP.

The NMSP reached a ceasefire with the Rangoon government in 1995, the year that the Karen Democratic Buddhist Army broke away from the KNU and agreed on a ceasefire with the military government. The Kachin Independence Organization also reached a ceasefire agreement with the military government in 1993.

Burma’s history shows that ethnic armed groups lack the unity to fight for the overthrow of the Burmese military rulers. Some ethnic leaders agree that unity within the various ethnic groups is weak and needs to be stronger.

“We are trying to build up the unity among our ethnic groups, but we still have our weak points and need to do more about it,” said Mahn Sha.

Sai Lao Hseng agreed with Mahn Sha. Some ethnic policies are false and there were many disagreements within the ethnic groups, creating lack of unity, he said.

“What we need is for all ethnic groups and the Burman people to unite to reach our goal,” Sai Lao Hseng said, “That is why we are still far away from our goal of democracy. We can never reach our goal without unity.”

[Put-nik]

[qуоте="Пут-ник"][qуоте="воягер1970"]я думаю,это письмо разослали по миллиону адресов.с какого -то ,да и капнет денежка...[/qуоте]
Зачем же Вы его здесь разместили?[/qуоте]


комментарий выше письма читали?

Комментарий Ваш (выше письма) читал. Только в этом случае адрес мыла не надо было оставлять. Мне подобного дерьма на ящик много приходит

[voyager1970]

адрес скопировался вместе со всем.я это к тому,что жулики держут нос по ветру в политике,причем даже в таком,казалось бы, мало плодородном регионе.

[Evgeny Rodichev]

Слегка промодерировано. Пожалуйста, давайте не будем уходить от темы!

Предыдущий пост хама-рекламщика iura пока временно оставлен (отдельно написал про это в Вопросах модерации).

Regards,
E.R.

[waskinkot]

Отменили сегодня КЧ:
Правительство Мьянмы отменило комендантский час

Правительство Мьянмы отменило комендантский час и сняло запрет на массовые собрания. По улицам столицы, г.Янгона, проехали автомобили с громкоговорителями, сообщавшими об этом населению, передает Associated Press. Власти страны пока не объяснили, в связи с чем они решили пойти на этот шаг.

Стоит отметить, что ограничения были отменены досрочно; их срок истекал в конце ноября. Правда, это коснулось только двух крупнейших городов страны: Янгона и Мандалая.

Мьянма (прежнее название страны - Бирма) оказалась в центре внимания международного сообщества после того, как в стране начались массовые демонстрации против авторитарного режима военного руководства страны.

США и ЕС предложили Совбезу ООН принять резолюции о введении санкций против правительства Мьянмы. Резко отрицательную позицию заняла КНР, представитель которой заявил о крайней нецелесообразности введения жестких мер против Мьянмы.

5 сентября с.г. появилась информация, что власти Мьянмы в результате подавления недавних акций протеста арестовали в общей сложности 2093 человека. По официальным данным, они были задержаны в соответствии с положением комендантского часа, который был введен после начала демонстраций, когда власти запретили собираться группами более пяти человек.

Вместе с тем, мьянманская оппозиция и международные дипломатические источники в стране продолжают заявлять, что официальные данные о количестве арестованных и убитых в ходе разгона акций протеста значительно преуменьшены.

Так, оппозиционные группы Мьянмы говорят о том, что в результате подавления демонстраций погибли по меньшей мере 200 человек и около 6 тыс. были арестованы. Официальные власти Мьянмы сообщили, что при подавлении акций протеста погибли 10 человек.

Источник: http://top.rbc.ru/politics/20/10/2007/123138.shtml

[Balad]

Dear .........,

Warm greeting from the Golden Land, Myanmar!We are happy to state that Myanmar is back to normal and there is nothing to be worried about your travel plan and visiting sites.
Livelihood on the streets are going on normal.

The authorities had announced that the curfew restrictions imposed in Yangon and Mandalay has been lifted effective 20-10-07 (Saturday), thus daily business including tourism activities are absolutely back to normal. International as well as domestic flights are operating normally and we feel that it's safe to travel to Myanmar.

We have been informed that business at Myanmar Embassy worldwide is as usual and visa can be obtained at Myanmar embassy or consulate offices in your respective counties and express visa on arrival can be obtain at www.myanmarvisa.com

Therefore we would strongly recommend keeping your travel plan as it is and we are sure the situation will only get better as there has been series of development on the ground regarding national reconciliation which all of us and International community have been longing for.

We will send the proved photo to you with next email.

Your sincerely,

Cathy @ Kyi Kyi Win Oo

General Manager

MagadoTravel.Com

Tel: 95-1-381200

Fax : 95-1- 20 40 20

Mobile: 95-9-5004060

Email:magado@mail4u.com.mm

Websites:

www.MagadoTravel.com

www.MyanmarVisa.Com

[Alexey Fedotenkov]

А вот еще письмо, которое пришло мне сегодня.
От агентства, которое знают многие форумчане.
Думаю, это письмо о многом говорит. И о том, что ситуация в Мьянме окончательно нормализовалась, и о том, что туристов там сейчас мало (со всеми вытекающими отсюда последствиями).

Welcome to Golden Land of Myanmar, короче говоря!

Dear Mr. Alexey Fedotenkov,
Mingalarbar !!!

Greeting from Shan Yoma Travel & Tours, Myanmar.
I wish to be doing well your business.
I would want to show about our country situation.
You had heard and known about our country happened in last September condition and most of the travel agencies had got in crisis.

I would like to announce to you, If you are interested to do tour business with us, I am welcome. Therefore I need your help and any support from you.

Nowadays of Myanmar is peaceful and under normal conditions.
At the moment, most of the visitors come to Myanmar and they are in peace, safe and do well visiting.
If you have the visitors, who want to come and visit to Myanmar, please give them this information. They can come with safe and peace.
Our tour business is doing well right now and I am giving the best service from us.

If you have a long holidays, I am inviting with warm heart, please come and visit to Myanmar. I will arrange with the best services and as the cheaper tour from us.

Welcome to Golden Land of Myanmar!
All the best!

Best Wishes,

Kyaw Kyaw Moe
General Manager
Shan Yoma Travel & Tours

[Izum]

Если кто-то владеет информацией, просвятите пожалуйста.

Консульство Мьянмы в БКК по-прежнему делает за 30 долларов визу в течение суток.
Или в связи с известными событиями теперь только за 20 долл. и три дня как в Москве?